For example, parties may regard women candidates as an electoral advantage, demonstrating their commitment to gender equality. However, even with candidate quotas, research on the implementation of gender quotas in different countries shows that a placement mandate is generally necessary in order to ensure that parties do not place women in unelectable positions on their candidate lists. A report by the European Commission, for example, noted that women were consistently being placed in lower positions on the list, resulting in a discrepancy between the number of women candidates and the share of women actually elected to the lower houses of parliament in European Union member states. Without strict and transparent rules on how to select women candidates, quota legislation provides no solution to the fairly undemocratic practices of candidate selection.
Chantelle de Nobrega 13 March Twenty years after South Africa's first democratic elections, Chantelle de Nobrega explores what we can we learn about sex, gender and morality in democratic transitions Poster by Judy Seidman of the Medu Art Ensemble, In April of this year, South Africa will celebrate twenty years since its first democratic elections in In countries going through significant socio-political changes - such as a revolution - political parties, civil society and individuals are engaging with each other on unfamiliar ground.
Questions about identity, representation, and the shifting dimensions of engaging power-holders become increasingly contested.
This is particularly true in contexts where countries are emerging from a period of extended authoritarian rule. The development of new governance structures, legal and constitutional frameworks, and the expansion of civil and political rights opens up the space for the reconstruction of ideas about nationhood and citizenship.
Constructing a new nation or a new national identity inevitably entails moral dimensions: Morality has historically involved a preoccupation with sex, familial relationships and maintaining gendered identities.
A well-known example of this kind of reasoning is the common accusation faced by women who are rape survivors that if they had worn less revealing clothinghad had less to drinkor had not been walking around after darkthey would have avoided being raped.
For example, traditional leaders delayed the discussions on the basis that the gender equality clause should be removed from the Bill of Rightsas it eroded their right to make decisions about land ownership and customary marriage.
Women protesting apartheid in the s.
In the s, several pieces of key legislation that had an impact on gender equality were passed, and these were almost always challenged by right-wing parties.
During the passing of the Domestic Violence Bill and the Recognition of Customary Marriages Bill inthe Inkatha Freedom Party IFP opposed both bills on the ground that it conflicted with their support for the abduction of women who refused a man's offer of marriage, and their belief that domestic violence is seldom a reality in nuclear families and is really fuelled by sexual immorality.
An increasing number of countries are currently introducing various types of gender quotas for public elections: In fact, half of the countries of the world today use some type of . The success of gender quotas is influenced by various factors including the nature of the political system, the type of electoral or voting system, the type of quota system adopted, cultural attitudes towards the role of women in society, and the nature of the parliamentary environment itself. Links between gender politics and leadership in trade unions and how these impact collective bargaining gender agendas are explored in this study of trade unionism in Brazil and South Africa. What the International Trade Union Confederation and others refer to as ‘unexplained’ gender pay gaps are discussed in relation to the absence of women in the collective bargaining process.
Gender-based violence is often justified with the same logic. In South Africa, there have been several instances of women being sexually and verbally assaulted in front of jeering crowds because they were wearing short skirts. Onlookers stated that women were arousing or provoking men which led to rape and other crimes.
This was particularly true of men who had participated in gang-rapes. The rape, torture and murder of black lesbians is also usually carried out by groups of men, revealing the ways in violent men see disciplining deviant women as a central component of masculine identity.
Women protest wearing dresses showing a Casspir, a military vehicle that was used to patrol the townships Globally, there is a particular fixation on sex, sexual identity and gender roles as the foundations of morality, and chaos and disorder in the nature and society are often positioned as being the result of divine retribution.
Several attempts at negotiations between liberation movements and parties in government had been made in previous years, but it was not until that several hundred political parties and civil society groups from all over the country came together to form the Convention for a Democratic South Africa Codesa.
Less than five percent of party representatives at Codesa were women, which became a cause that women from across the political spectrum could coalesce on. The ANCWL organised a protest outside the meeting venue and threatened to boycott the elections, which led to the agreement that all parties to the MPNP would ensure that one of their two representatives would be women.
Despite divisions based on political and ideological differences, which often threatened to derail the work of the WNC, women continued to work together to take advantage of the powerful opportunity created by the political transition. This, in turn, paved the road for further legislative protections that has given the country one of the most progressive legal frameworks in the world.
Unfortunately, from the late s onwards, it became increasingly clear that the gains made at the level of legislation and policy were having a far more limited impact on the everyday lives of women than had been hoped. The overemphasis on demands for legal protections had been flagged right from the start, and was one of the points of contention within the WNC.
Partly, this context was enabled by the nature of South Africa's transition to democracy, which focused on legal and political reform. Many feminist activists were either incorporated into the apparatus of government, or were being absorbed into a civil society culture that was becoming increasingly focused on the limited goal of influencing formal policy through collaboration with decision-makers.
This was mirrored by donor funding patternsas well. Donors from the development and philanthropy sectors that had previously funded more confrontational civil society initiatives began channelling aid towards activities focused on democratic consensus-building, and strengthening the formal and procedural aspects of liberal democracy.
Party members whose political perspective was rooted in a feminist approach that emphasised substantive transformation of gendered power and identities in the public and private sphere, rather than mere accommodation within existing power hierarchies, were soon moved to positions where they would cause less trouble.
Chapter 9 institutions are responsible for the protection of democracy and human rights, and are mandated to hold the government accountable to citizens.South Africa’s score in the Human Development Index is , placing it in st place (out of a total of countries).
The country’s Gender Inequality Index score is that places South Africa at 90 out of countries. tion of women in government—women continue to do better when legislative or voluntary quotas are crease in the number of female legislators has not made much difference in South Africa or Afghani- alizes the impact of gender quotas on distinct types of political representation（i.e., descriptive, sub- stantive, symbolic）.
Second. In the early s, multi-party discussions began in South Africa to end apartheid and to form an interim government which would lead to the country’s first democratic elections in It describes the different types of gender quotas that have been adopted, and summarises the various arguments for and against their use, as well as key issues and observations about the impact of quotas drawing on recent international research.
In , the government approved a new constitution that included a quota system for women at all levels of government. The legislation mandated that 30 percent of all representatives, including those in parliament, be women.
The success of gender quotas is influenced by various factors including the nature of the political system, the type of electoral or voting system, the type of quota system adopted, cultural attitudes towards the role of women in society, and the nature of the parliamentary environment itself.